MOLDPRES interview // IGP head: Russia whether through Ilan Shor or other means to constantly try to find ways to create disorder and destabilization

Head of the General Police Inspectorate Viorel Cernăuțeanu gave an exclusive interview to MOLDPRES State News Agency. The National Police leadership approached the campaign Don't Mess with Your Vote or You'll Lose Everything, the orchestrated protests by the criminal group Shor, Russia's stake in the parliamentary elections on 28 September, attempts at destabilization, electoral corruption schemes and the involvement of religious representatives in the electoral campaign.

MOLDPRES: Mr. Viorel Cernăuțeanu, the National Police launched the campaign Don't Mess with Your Vote, or You'll Lose Everything three weeks before the parliamentary elections on 28 September. Why is such an action necessary by the law enforcement and what objectives are you pursuing?

Viorel Cernăuțeanu: This campaign will include various awareness and communication activities, messages and video spots. Police want all citizens to be informed about any illegality or act that would fall under an illegal activity. We want people to perceive this information as a form of prevention and not to commit illegal actions.

Our priority is to communicate with citizens, not impose penalties. For this reason, we have resorted to this extensive campaign, aiming to reach as many citizens as possible. Where prevention and communication do not work, we will immediately move to the next stage—sanctioning and documentation, either administrative or criminal.

Additionally, I want to mention that this campaign, including the message posted on some institutions or police vehicles was approved by the Central Electoral Commission (CEC). Thus, all messages, all spots, anything related to this campaign does not appear in public space until we have the CEC's approval, ensuring that there's no room for interpretation regarding these actions.

During the campaign, many audio messages will be included in certain locations with massive citizen concentration, informational leaflets will be distributed, including in rural areas such as at the town hall, post office or other locations. Also, certain goods containing this message will be distributed. The text will also appear on some payment bills. This way, citizens will be alerted about the risk of electoral corruption and the existing consequences if they sell their vote. 

At the same time, we've discussed with mobile phone operators to also send this informative message via SMS. The appeal will be distributed on social media, radio stations and TV. We already have several video spots made, which will be broadcast as part of this campaign. We hope these actions will have the desired effect and a maximum number of citizens will be informed.



MOLDPRES: It was recently announced by President Maia Sandu, after the last meeting of the Supreme Security Council that Russia would plan to invest at least $100 million to buy votes and skew the results of the parliamentary elections. Other voices claim the resources planned by Moscow for skewing the results of elections in Moldova would be several times higher. What data does the police have?

Viorel Cernăuțeanu: I want to present a comparative analysis to understand some elements. Just in September, before the 2024 presidential elections, we documented $39 million sent through the Russian Federation's banking system for vote purchases. At that stage, around 5,000 Russian rubles were transmitted for buying one vote. In this year's parliamentary elections, the trend is to purchase or corrupt a citizen for 15,000 Russian rubles. So, we see that the amount has tripled.

I want to mention that when we refer to $100 million, we must understand it concerns only a narrow segment of this broad scheme aiming to buy votes. If we focus on other aspects—there are leaflets and newspapers for which money is spent, not on electoral corruption, but on misinformation. We possess thousands of phone numbers working in their call centers, where there is a different form of financing. So, apart from the $100 million, we see money allocated here too for salaries, which are much higher, certainly not just 15,000 rubles.

Moreover, they have several departments: security, logistics, IT department, where the funding and maintenance payments of the entire octopus are much higher. It's important to know that $100 million is only a third of the sum invested by Russia and its exponents in the electoral process in Moldova.

Corruption of voters on election day is a thing of the past. This remains in the past conception, up till 2022. Starting in 2022-2023, the mechanism has changed. We saw in last year's elections that they didn’t directly talk to citizens offering this amount of money to vote a certain way. A significant part of payments were made at the end of August, early September. Some citizens were also assured they would receive the money after elections, so there's no premise of a candidate being excluded from the election race.

We need to understand a simple aspect: this pyramid functioning for Russia's interest is not working for one party—as those associated with Ilan Shor—or other formations; it works exactly under the task and instructions that will come from Moscow. This is precisely what we saw in the 2024 presidential elections, when orientation shifted to certain characters in Russia's interest through Shor. The same trend will remain in the parliamentary elections, guiding to the person of interest, who can continue coordinating processes here in Russia's interest.

MOLDPRES: How do these financial resources manage to enter Moldova, through which channels? What detection and blocking mechanisms does the Police have?

Viorel Cernăuțeanu: PSB application or the Russian Federation's banking system PSB is still valid, just that transfers are no longer made only to the citizen's virtual card. Now the mechanism is slightly more sophisticated. All this data no longer comes on the mobile phone but uses Taito application, downloaded from Telegram, which is used to view the financial transfer of the payments received by the individual. These money go through several steps—from the Russian ruble to crypto, from crypto to dollars, and finally transferred in lei to the citizen either on card or cash.

These aspects have been documented in recent times, including the raids in recent days. The arrested individuals are part of citizens ensuring this currency conversion process and money transmission to the electorate.

Unfortunately, neither Taito nor Telegram has reacted to our requests related to this process. We have our mechanisms and citizens must understand that those in Russia and the intermediaries organizing this process have put citizens in a bad spot, as all processes are documented. If anyone believes that transaction through the virtual environment can’t be documented, they are greatly mistaken, as any transaction leaves traces and can be determined.

We can confidently state that those aiming to corrupt and influence electoral decisions in Moldova are not less crucial than those in last year's presidential elections. Also, there has been a significant emphasis shift and rapid increase concerning disinformation. Last year we had a heavy surge of electoral corruption, while disinformation was somewhat secondary. Now, the corruption intent remained the same, but disinformation has taken the forefront.

This information is distributed on social networks and even made by artificial intelligence. On the platforms' top, where these pieces of information are distributed, stands TikTok, with the most videos and channels generating disinformation, over 80% created using artificial intelligence. TikTok is followed by Telegram and Facebook. With Facebook, we attempt to collaborate through a communication system and data exchange with Meta to ensure certain rules are respected. It’s a difficult process, but not impossible. With TikTok, as of a week ago, a focal point was established, guaranteeing a direct contact with the police.

We have the guarantee of openness for quick and efficient work, as until now, we had an intermediary ensuring this process, somewhat delaying things, but when discussing disinformation, this needs to occur in very short periods, not days or weeks, as these videos gather hundreds of thousands of views in record time.



MOLDPRES: In recent days, the law enforcers have conducted dozens of searches in a criminal case initiated for electoral corruption, illegal political party financing, and money laundering. Following the raids, several people were detained. They allegedly acted in benefit of an overseas-guided criminal organization aimed at corrupting voters. Can you provide details about the group's schemes and people in the police's sights for organizing these actions?

Viorel Cernăuțeanu: There are people ensuring certain goals and interests related to electoral funding and corruption, which is crucial not to admit now in Moldova. Citizens are from different regions of the country. Many actions are ongoing, hence we rely on citizens' support who, if they report to the police that they have been drawn into this illegal scheme, will be exempt from responsibility.

During recent operations, money for electoral corruption—direct vote purchase—was seized. With some subjects, we saw transfer amounts of hundreds of thousands of rubles, while others even had a million rubles transferred, depending on the role they play in conducting the election process and ensuring voter corruption.

Regarding corruption, funding, and intent to organize disorders in Moldova during the election process, state institutions have taken specific measures early this year, referring to documentation processes. The individuals involved remain largely the same. However, some regional leaders involved in illegal actions during last autumn’s elections are now subjects of investigations and criminal cases, with some already convicted.



MOLDPRES: Police previously announced documenting a new form of electoral financing and corruption, managed from Russia, through TAITO application. In this context, IGP addressed several requests to Telegram and TAITO administration to stop these transactions. Did you receive any responses?

Viorel Cernăuțeanu: We haven’t received any response. Unfortunately, there is a complete lack of reaction and attitude from these channels and companies' administration.

When talking about disinformation, we refer to those disinformation elements and seek an attitude. In Telegram and Taito's case, we deal with electoral financing and corruption, thus referring to aspects of the criminal case, where we have criminal elements and have shown there is an investigation regarding a crime committed in Moldova. Still, unfortunately, no response or reaction.

MOLDPRES: Police initiated over 40 criminal cases against organizers of recent protests directed by Shor criminal group. These are individuals "inciting violence, destabilization, and endangering democratic processes in Moldova." What risks do citizens participating in such paid protests face? How do you ensure balance between freedom of expression, right to protest and need to protect public order given that certain forces may use protests as a destabilization tool?

Viorel Cernăuțeanu: I absolutely agree that every citizen should have the freedom of expression and assembly right. However, when people go out on the streets organized, without knowing what it's about, and it's found they come for pay, of course, they must be sanctioned.

I want to remind that the form or intention of protests in some situations is a masked factor ensuring elements of disorder. We can recall autumn 2022 or spring 2023 when protest organization was intended, and police documented and detained 28 individuals the previous evening who were trained and prepared to infiltrate crowds for organizing disorders and destabilizations. We can also refer to those who went to Serbia for training, with the same purposes.

Current actions are not even protests. These paid actions are organized to mislead society, while participation in such paid manifestations results in a fine of up to 3,500 lei. These citizens are cautioned about needing to disperse that their actions are unlawful. When they don’t heed the public authority’s or police’s request, a second sanction arises—non-compliance, with a tendency towards disorderly or hooligan actions in public space. If they attempt other violent actions against police officers, we refer to assault, which is a penal norm.

All these depending on the gravity of the acts, either lead to criminal responsibility or a total fine of 15-20 thousand lei over a day, which organizers may not compensate. Still, even if the fine is compensated, citizens need to understand that, at that moment, their criminal and misdemeanor records are "stained." They will eventually reach a point where they want to perfect certain acts or undertake specific activities, including economic ones, where all these things will create obstacles, stemming from their less-than-legal past.

The need is to understand that Russia, either through the intermediary Ilan Shor or other means will continuously try to find certain ways to lead to disorder and destabilization in Moldova, aiming to create chaos and disrupt democratic matters here. This is undoubtedly one of their objectives.



MOLDPRES: Is there a risk that influence groups funded externally might use violence or street provocations to contest election results? Is the police prepared for such scenarios?

Viorel Cernăuțeanu: There are always risks. I don’t think anyone would ever say there are no risks. These must always be considered in conducting analyses and estimations. Such a risk is under the attention of law enforcement, and I want to assure that the police will not allow and will not tolerate violations or any attempts that will undermine the legal norms on Moldovan territory.

MOLDPRES: The Metropolitan of Chișinău and All Moldova Vladimir, as well as His Eminence Father Petru, Archbishop of Chișinău, Metropolitan of Bessarabia have made public calls urging clergy not to engage in the electoral campaign and political propaganda. Does the police observe this aspect? How can these actions be legally qualified, especially given previous election experiences and current campaign beginnings indicating cases of religious representatives actively participating in political and electoral actions?

Viorel Cernăuțeanu: I appreciate both metropolitans' public call for priests not to engage in the electoral campaign. I want to say that most priests are people of good faith performing their duties with dignity.

Personally, I know priests from both the Moldovan Metropolis and Bessarabian Metropolis who are well-intentioned citizens and don’t engage in such illegal actions. Moreover, in many of the country's localities, my colleagues invited priests from both metropolises and discussed that church servants should focus on religious culture, not political directions.

Sadly, we know we have representatives of religious figures who ignore and disregard the metropolitans' call and the law. These citizens will continue to be subject to documentation measures, with reference to the responsibility applied to individuals for conducting political or other activities in religious cults.



MOLDPRES: How do development partners concretely assist Moldovan law enforcement bodies such that they can combat illegal financing, destabilization campaigns and propaganda?

Viorel Cernăuțeanu: Various partnership forms exist. We’ve had several trainings, including abroad, aimed at elucidating certain risks, analyses, and processes occurring in the electoral system. At the same time, we need to appreciate and recognize that most equipment the police have today was acquired with budgetary support provided by our external partners.

We don't have equipment dedicated solely to elections. We possess equipment that assists police activities across various compartments like fraud, drugs, blackmail or severe and major crimes, those related to corruption and illegal financing.

MOLDPRES: Moldovan authorities announced expectations for provocations on election day and prepare "response scenarios." What message does the National Police have for citizens and electoral candidates in this context?

Viorel Cernăuțeanu: Most importantly, every citizen should not break the law, respecting what authorities, institutions, well-informed people communicate. Anyone can request information from the police through Emergency Service 112 or the nearest police officer. Additionally, on election day, there will be a police officer at every polling station, so it's not possible to say we can't provide information and communicate. It's essential for citizens to inform about any law violations directly to the police or from verified sources, not falling prey to suspicious people promising money or other benefits for certain services.

In last year's presidential election, I told citizens they would eventually be penalized for illegal actions sooner or later. At that point, people didn’t take these warnings seriously, and when we resorted to penalty actions, we saw a different reaction.

Currently, we focus on prevention, information, communication and try ensuring citizens don’t commit these illegalities, as they’ll again become investigation subjects and bear responsibility for their acts. Specifically referring to the electoral corruption fine, a simple citizen receiving 1,000 lei for their vote must weigh it against the 37,500 lei fine they’d pay. Does it make sense to receive those 1,000 lei, risking to pay 37,500, money likely needed for your family? 

MOLDPRES: Thank you for the interview.

Author: Ala Ciobanu